In what looks like a rough and tough local government campaign towards August 14 for 141 seats, there are three related hot-spot issues facing the 1.1 million electorate:
1. By how much would the current seven PNM vs seven UNC municipal corporations’ tie change, if at all, and in whose political favour?
2. On what basis would such possible change occur?
3. For both PNM political leader, 73-year-old Dr Keith Rowley, and UNC political leader, 71-year-old Kamla Persad-Bissessar, the election is a test of political pride and personal vindication.
Briefly, the 2019 local government elections showed the UNC getting 202,584 votes (54.5 per cent) against PNM 161,962 (43.6 per cent) from an electorate of 1,079,976 (34 per cent voted). Of the 139 seats, the current distribution of seats is PNM 72, the UNC 67 (before defections). The 2019 elections again exposed the political “lopsidesness” of the electorate. Of the 14 corporations, there are at least two remarkable features. Firstly, the wide difference in allocated seats. For example, while Tunapuna-Piarco has 16, Mayaro/Rio Claro and Point Fortin has six respectively. Secondly, there are numerically no “marginal” seats like eight-to-seven or nine-to-seven.
From platform projections, the battleground seats are likely to be Sangre Grande (now UNC 4, PNM 3) with UNC chairman Anil Juteram jostling with PNM political broker Terry Rondon and PNM Works Minister Rohan Sinanan playing a significant role. So too with Local Government Minister Faris Al-Rawi for San Fernando (PNM 6, UNC 3), busy resisting UNC intrusions. Clearly, social geography shows PNM to be largely an urban-centred party with UNC a rural-centred one. For example: Port of Spain – PNM 12, UNC 0; Diego Martin – PNM 10, UNC 0; Couva-Tabaquite-Talparo – UNC 14, PNM 0; Princes Town – UNC 10, PNM 0. Why should a 35 per cent voter turn-out have such big political consequences? With low turnouts, some polling divisions play a crucial part.
[caption id="attachment_1020534" align="alignnone" width="1024"] Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley addresses supporters during a political meeting at Malabar Community Centre, Arima on June 1. - Roger Jacob[/caption]
Further, the political realities against regional integration become aggravated when the central government is held by one party and a municipal corporation is held by a majority from the opposition party. And this, when loud political protests are being made about “geographical discrimination". How can local government reform heal this? There is nothing in the “reform bill” to show that increased pay and full-time status for councillors will heal this breach, lawful as it is.
Last week, a St Augustine Riverside Street resident, Ms Dulcie Rambarran, complained not only has she never seen her councillor but, with residents, made countless complaints about a nearby broken bridge. Nothing done. The broken bridge, small and on a very narrow road, caused one death and several accidents. I too never saw or heard from my councillor even after writing him twice about
