DR RITA PEMBERTON
Since the start of the 1800s, it was clear that Tobago's economy was on a downhill path. Conflicts between Britain and France over the island took their toll on plantation operations, from which some never recovered. As a result, several estates were advertised for sale in London.
The rate at which plantations changed hands was an indication that all was not well in the island's sugar industry. The pace of change accelerated after the termination of the trade in captured and enslaved Africans in 1808, and more so after emancipation in 1838, when there was strong evidence that the planting community was in financial trouble.
It was the firm belief of the planting community that the existing labour force was inadequate to their needs, and they unsuccessfully sought avenues to import labour.
The situation worsened during the second half of the century, when the island's problems were aggravated by the 1846 Sugar Duties Act. This law, which reflected the extent of the wider commercial interest of the imperial government, removed the protection that sugar produced in the British Caribbean colonies had enjoyed on the British market since the 1660 Navigation Acts were passed. The law was a blow to the planters of Tobago, who produced poor-quality sugar which could not compete on the international market and would fetch the lowest prices.
There was more bad news for Tobago planters the following year, when the island was hit by a disastrous hurricane which destroyed a significant portion of the sugar works. This calamity further aggravated the problems of the planters, who were out of production for an entire season, while they appealed to the British government for assistance to restore their operations.
Since the assistance was inadequate to fund the badly needed modernisation of the Tobago sugar industry, the old works were repaired and put back into service. The industry therefore remained a wasteful, old-fashioned producer of poor-quality sugar that was unable to benefit from the new technology available.
Despite these setbacks, the members of the planting community and their representatives in the island's administration were determined to maintain sugar-plantation operations. This meant their main production strategy was an emphasis on the control of labour, because it was necessary to ensure that the freed African population continued to provide the plantations' labour needs. However, the freed Africans were determined to pursue their ambition to attain independence from the estates by acquiring their own piece of land.
Plantation owners, who were fully cognisant of the importance the freed Africans placed on land-owning, sought to prevent them from doing so. Despite their financial problems, large plantation owners continued to exert tight controls on land resources. They implemented a number of strategies intended to retard the achievement of African ambitions and guarantee that they remained as labourers under plant