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ZIMBABWE has never been the same after March 30, 2020. Ever since then, the country has been in a lockdown and normal life in a constitutional democracy has been severely pared in the name of combating the global COVID-19 pandemic. STIR THE POT: PAIDAMOYO MUZULU The pandemic has been a godsend intervention for leaders with an autocratic inclination across the world. They did not take time to impose strict lockdown measures, restriction of rights and, in some instances, imposed martial law. Zimbabwe was no exception to this league of autocrats, notwithstanding the fact that two years earlier, in November 2017, it had experienced a coup that promised the flourishing of democracy. It was a coup that was well-choreographed for both the international and domestic audiences. It was a televised revolution or better still a social media phenomenon. There was no time to think for most, they just soaked in the moment. A moment for many in the opposition had planned for nearly two decades — to see the late former President Robert Mugabe’s departure from politics. For the majority, it was a question of change, but no one knew what that change meant. They wanted Mugabe to go. Zimbabwe experienced two worst military-backed crackdowns on protests since independence in 1980. The first one was on August 1, 2018 and January 15, 2019, apart from Gukurahindi. The security forces that killed protestors in cold blood are yet to face justice despite the Kgalema Motlanthe commission recommendations that they be brought to book. The flowers of the phony-revolution had wilted within seven months of the coup, making a joke of the statement that there was a new dispensation in the country. Opposition supporters had experienced firsthand the brutal excesses of the regime, either through abductions, torture or political persecution in the courts. Political parties could not hold rallies. They could not, and still can not petition or demonstrate against the government during the lockdown period. The opposition has been denied political oxygen and metaphorically dying slowly, gasping once in a while on social media but the damage has been done. At a political level, Zanu PF has been energising its base through Pfumvudza. It is meeting its supporters under the guise of an agricultural support scheme, yet the opposition in urban areas has been denied the same opportunity, worse still, after the lockdown affected the informal sector. Informal trading has changed and most likely for good as less than a quarter of the traders who were operating before lockdown might return to business after restrictions are removed. The anger in urban communities is palpable but it is not harnessed or directed at real issues. It has lacked leadership to marshall it into one giant wave and hence the ripples that we see once in a while that are quickly snuffed out. Zanu PF behaviour is targeted at self-preservation than building democracy. Even with a two-thirds majority in Parliament it is afraid to hold, long overdue by-elections. The by-elections have the potential of
The president also stressed the importance of keeping the economy open after months of stifling movement restrictions.
He urged citizens not to drop their guard and continue adhering to the health rules, such as wearing face masks and respecting curfew times.
South Africa has recorded just over 800,000 coronavirus infections - more than a third of the cases reported across the African continent - and over 20,000 deaths.
AFP
The arrival of the second wave of infections in the country forces South African National Parks to revise its COVID-19 regulations.
Nampak says the past 11 months have been characterised by a weak economy and consumers' disposable incomes under pressure, all exacerbated by Covid-19 lockdown measures.
[East African] Rwanda has scoffed at accusations that its embassies abroad are actively engaged in the recruitment of spies and threatening of Rwandan refugees who are critical of the government.
The chaotic reintroduction of international travel to SA has already managed to upset global superpowers - but could the high-risk list soon change?
guest column:Brighton Taruberekera THE structure that you find in all of Zimbabwe’s political parties has what is called a youth wing. Attracting young blood is probably the main reason why political parties have established youth wings. Ideally, these should be capable of addressing the under-recruitment of young people into the strategic positions within the framework of the party as well as the government (especially across the Legislature and the Executive). The level of independence of youth wings vary but they are largely dependent on the mother party both ideologically and financially. Youth wings – as a platform for youth inclusion and representation in politics are undermined by dependence and excessive influence of the mother party which tend to alter youth input except for the purposes of ‘protecting’ those in the main structures who retain and exclusively wield decision-making powers. The concept of exclusion by inclusion was probably best captured by Maureen Kademaunga in January 2013 when she stated that “the structure that you find in all of Zimbabwe’s political parties has what is called a youth wing … this is a strategy to keep young people content and yet far from the actual decision-making structures; that is exclusion by inclusion because the youth wing … (is a) sub and all decisions are made by the main wing”. There are both the women’s wing and youth league in the main parties, but the Constitution of Zimbabwe is silent on the ‘youth quota”. Section 124(1)(b) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for sixty seats to be reserved for women. This is a commendable move with regards to women empowerment and a positive move towards addressing gender disparities. However, the same Constitution does not reserve any seats for the youth who are then forced to compete with the party heavyweights who already have the financial muscle and technical backbone for a ticket to the National Assembly. Constitutionally speaking, for one to compete as a candidate either for council or National Assembly, he or she has to be 21 and above. The other requirement is Zimbabwean citizenship. Thus, literally, there is no legal instrument that bars the youth from contesting in their parties’ primary elections or parliamentary elections. However, because of a period of more than two decades of economic quandary our nation has found itself in, most youths have never been gainfully employed or are currently unemployed such that they lack the financial muscle and even practical experience with regard to administration and governance. The liberalisation of party politics for youth to compete with seasoned politicians is thus not a democratic move at all. Neither is it in the spirit of such, but rather a facade of youth inclusion which is in actual sense non existent. Admittedly, the youth do participate in politics and some youths have made it to Zimbabwean mainstream politics but for many it is largely a tale of ‘exclusion by inclusion’. In exploring ‘the tale of exclusion by inclusion’, I shall briefly explore the cases of th
SA and England will meet for the first time since the 2019 Rugby World Cup final when they clash on the Springboks’ end of year tour.
THE South African Police Service (SAPS) has put a R250 000 bounty for information leading to the arrest of a Zimbabwean national wanted in connection with the murder of a woman and her daughter early this month. BY REX MPHISA Owen Setsiba/Makutara/Mbedzi, who according to Saps is a Zimbabwean, is believed to have been part of a gang responsible for the murder of Lizette Deacon and her mother Hettie Deacon on September 11, 2020. In a media statement on Wednesday, Limpopo provincial police spokesman Brigadier General Motlafela Mojapelo said already four suspects had been arrested in connection with the murder and a bounty of up to R250 000 had been put up for the outstanding Setsiba, also known as Makutara aka Mbedzi. “Police are offering a reward of up to R250 000 for any valuable information that can lead to the arrest and subsequent conviction of the outstanding suspect who was allegedly involved in the murders of Lizette Deacon and her mother Hettie Deacon on Thursday September 11, 2020,” Mojapelo said. “The deceased were attacked in their house at Welgelegen next to Cycad in Polokwane at about 1830 hours. The suspects then kidnapped the victims and made use of their vehicle to flee from the scene, with the victims inside the vehicle,” he said. Saps has since arrested four suspects, including the Deacons’ domestic worker, but the Zimbabwean suspect is still outstanding, Mojapelo said. The murder was discovered when a neighbour went to the house of the victims, a 50-year-old businesswoman and her 70-year-old mother, and found traces of blood in their yard, but the two were missing. Police were alerted and a manhunt was immediately launched. The first two suspects aged 30 and 35 helped police establish the brutal slaying of the Deacons in their Welgelegen house. The 35-year-old is also believed to be a Zimbabwean and has also been charged for entering South Africa illegally. The Deacons were allegedly stabbed by the suspects in their house. They later tied them up and put them in the back of their SUV vehicle found abandoned next to the R37 road between Polokwane and Lebowakgomo on the night of the murder. A number of Zimbabweans, part of the country’s many economic refugees, have been arrested in South Africa for various crimes in recent years. More than 300 convicts were among thousands of Zimbabweans repatriated from South Africa during the COVID-19 reactions by that country this year.
As the security forces make significant inroads into the local drug trade, National Security Minister Dr Horace Chang said that the major narcotics dealers are dangling big money before members of the security forces to entice them to assist them...
Justin Anthony relocated to the US at age 23 and opened the first South African restaurant in the United States in 1998.
The killing of seven 'damage-causing' lions at the Karoo National Park outside Beaufort West in the Western Cape has drawn hefty reactions from a number of wildlife organisations.
An agreement signed by government, business, and labour in support of Eskom has been called a “betrayal of workers and the public at large”.
With universities declared open again for on-campus learning, getting back into routine will take some getting used to. Here's how.
So you couldn't catch the latest episode of Skeem Saam? Don't worry, we've got you covered. Be warned of spoilers!
ZIMBABWE might not be considered a powerhouse in world rugby but continues to enjoy an influence on the global game following yet another honour for players who trace their roots to this country. BY DANIEL NHAKANISO Eight years after the Tsimba brothers Richard (now late) and Kennedy were inducted to the World Rugby Hall of Fame, two Zimbabwe born former international rugby stars, Tendai “Beast” Mtawarira and David Pocock were named in the World Rugby’s Team of the Decade. The legendary duo’s inclusion in World Rugby Team of the Decade as part of the Special Edition Awards held on Monday cements Zimbabwe’s growing status as a conveyer belt of talent to the rugby world. The World Rugby Awards Special Edition celebrated members of the rugby family who have provided outstanding service during the COVID-19 pandemic as well as players and teams who have starred over the last decade in a virtual show. The Men’s Team of the Decade features a strong South African front-row presence in Mtawarira, who retired from Test rugby after guiding the Springboks to the 2019 Rugby World Cup in Japan. Mtawarira is one of the three South Africans in the Men’s Team of the Decade together with abrasive hooker Bismarck du Plessis and the Springboks’ most prolific try-scorer Bryan Habana. The 35-year old Harare born Mtawarira represented South Africa an incredible 117 times in Test rugby since making his debut against Wales at Loftus Versfeld in Pretoria on June 14, 2008. Mtawarira, who attended Prospect Primary as well as Churchill School and Peterhouse College before moving to South Africa, is the most capped prop in South African history and the third most capped Springbok of all time behind lock Victor Matfield (127) and Habana (124). There was also a place in the Team of the Decade for former Australia campaign Pocock, who was born in Gweru and relocated with his family to Australia at the age of 12 at the height of the chaotic land reform programme. The young Pocock landed in Brisbane, Australia, and made himself into one of the greatest Wallabies of all time but he has maintained a strong connection with the country of his birth. Pocock retired from the international game after last year’s Rugby World Cup and walked away from all forms of rugby two months ago before revealing plans to assist Zimbabwe to qualify for their first World Cup since 1991.
There's nothing more special than enjoying a wine where it was produced. Here's how UK buyers can relive the experience.
It was felt most strongly near Randfontein.
Anti-immigrant groups have staged demonstrations in recent months in Johannesburg, the country's biggest city, and in the capital Pretoria, demanding the mass deportation of foreigners.
It's not just players who are leaving Bloemfontein in search of greener pastures as Corniel van Zyl set to pack his bags for England.
