PROPELLED into prime position by the military coup that overthrew the late former President Robert Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa holds the reins of power in Harare. BY GUEST COLUMIST The Africa Report examines how tightly he is holding on and how his current and former allies and opponents are protecting their interests. Armoured cars and tanks had been trundling across the capital all day on November 14, 2017. It was not until the early hours of the next day that Zimbabweans heard a hesitant General Sibusiso Moyo explain that Mugabe, president for 37 years, was under house arrest. The Zimbabwe Defence Forces would be dealing with the “criminals” around the President who were responsible for the country’s “socio-economic problems”. Of course, this was not a coup d’état, added Moyo, who was later appointed Foreign Affairs minister. Mnangagwa arrives on the scene On this point, Moyo contrived to convince South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma and Guinea’s sceptical President Alpha Condé, who chaired the African Union at the time. In Zimbabwe, people were more interested in the coming man — Mnangagwa, who had fled into exile a week earlier. Tales of derring-do circulated about how Mnangagwa and sons sneaked into Mozambique via bush paths, dodging would-be assassins, before winding up in the northern suburbs of Johannesburg. Back in Harare, the generals and the image-makers co-ordinated demonstrations bringing tens of thousands onto the streets to celebrate the toppling of Mugabe. Days later, Mnangagwa flew in to a rockstar’s reception, promising “jobs, jobs, jobs” to the people and “Zimbabwe is open for business” to foreign investors. From his days as personal secretary to Mugabe, Mnangagwa had cannily positioned himself as the heir apparent by sidelining his rivals until only one serious contender was left — Mugabe’s wife, Grace. The November 2017 coup took out both Mugabe and his wife, leaving Mnangagwa space to launch his project: fixing the Zimbabwe economy and reuniting the ruling party for another decade in power. Within a year it had failed. The economy weakened further due to corruption and patronage as well as a regional drought. Political fights within the ruling Zanu PF party became even more bitter and the all-important military lost confidence in Mnangagwa. Some citizens believed the promises of free elections; diplomats mulled lifting sanctions, and companies started signing deals. Three years later, the new order is cracking open. Clean water and power are sporadic, inflation is more than 750% and the relaunched local dollar has crashed against its US counterpart. The team that brought Mnangagwa to power now speaks of buyer’s remorse. Plots and putsches are in the air. In response, Mnangagwa and the first family are circling the wagons. Loyalty, if not blood ties, is the defining test in the inner circle. Higher Education former deputy minister Godfrey Gandawa warns about the direction the country is going: “The Zanu PF has turned the security forces into a militia which they use as a coercive tool. “The Minis
